intimidation. Thus, while the people remained aware of absurd sentences which made them lose respect for the law, they were fearful of a surge of crime in the country.4 MADE IN PRISON In Poland there are currently 240 penitentiary units. Of those, 151 are prisons, and most were built in the last century. Since World War II not a single prison has been built in Poland and several penal institutions are located in army barracks or monasteries dating to the times of Polish partition. There are even two castles used as penal institutions which date back to the 13th and 14th centuries. Although many Polish prisons have undergone modernization several still lack sewage systems or central heating.5 The Polish prison system has traditionally owned its own production base. During the Communist era, more than sixty independent industrial, agricultural and construction prison units brought to the system very inexpensive or free manpower. Many auxiliary workshops were developed by employing prisoners directly from their prison cells, and the majority of these enterprises had contracts with key State enterprises. "Speaking half-serious and half-jokingly, when constructions sites in the country needed locksmiths, locksmiths were put in prison".6 Today everyone admits that prison production was not always cost effective. Yet, it is obvious that it played an important role in the national economy. By law, prisons could not employ more that 30,000 people so the remaining prisoners worked in prison kitchens, laundries or bakeries. However, prison-run enterprises were frequently the only industries on the national scale which produced more than was planned. Officially, prisoners' wages were equal to those outside prison, however, few earned any money. Even a highly skilled worker was paid the lowest rates and eighty percent of his wages were deducted for the State treasury. The remaining funds were used to pay fines, court fees, the costs of proceedings and family maintenance because a failure to pay these fees could lead to an additional three year sentence. What was left to the prisoners was usually reserved for food and cigarettes. In the mid-1980s this system began to shatter as the national economy weakened. However, the courts continued to sentence people. Given the lack of effective communication between the two branches of the criminal justice system, the prison authority had to deal with overcrowding as well as with the sudden phenomenon of unemployment. In February 1987, a popular weekly journal "Przeglad Tygodniowy" disclosed that the State Budget receipts from the prison system were expected to amount to three million zlotys, with expenditures of more than twenty million. Curiously enough, this data brought about demands not for a reduction in the number of prisoners, but for more severe penalties, reductions in the costs of imprisonment and for increased prisoner contributions.7 SEEKING IMPROVEMENT The distinctive nature of the changes which occurred within the Polish prison system began from the inside. The spirit of the "Solidarity" movement brought the issues of prisons and prisoners out of seclusion and started a social debate that never faded. After the imposition of Marshall Law, press censorship made it difficult to inform society of the changes which were being made because researchers perceived as too critical 4 PLATEK, Monika. (1991); The Sluzewiec Prison in Warsaw, Poland: A Penal Labour Centre, or Half-Open Prison. In the State of the Prison -200 Years On. Ed. by D. Whitfield. Routledge London and New York: 5669. This article describes the everyday life, routine and activities of Polish prisons. 5 Parliament's Bulletin nr 315/IX term from January 21, 1987:5-16. 6 BERES, Witold; BURNETKO, Krzysztof (1994) Nightstick and Narrow Doors. An Interview with Pawel Moczydlowski, Director of the Central Board of Penal Institutions. The Warsaw Voice. February 5, 1994. 7 Malachowski Andrzej; (1987) Za Murem (Behind the Wall). Przeglad Tydodniowy, No2:6-7 OSCE ODIHR Bulletin Vol. 4 No. 3 21