E/CN.4/1997/7/Add.2 page 23 Central Jail, the registry indicated that the last visit by a judicial magistrate to the prison had been in May 1995. More disturbing is the fact that in the few cases where judicial magistrates or High Court judges take action to improve the treatment of prisoners, their orders are routinely ignored by the authorities. For example, the superintendent of Hyderabad Central Jail was served with contempt of court notices on three occasions by the presiding officer of the Special Court for Suppression of Terrorist Activities No. 1 for not complying with his orders. VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 88. For much of its 49 years of independence, Pakistan has had a tormented existence. For most of that period the country was ruled by a series of more or less brutal military regimes. In 1971, its eastern territory was lost when that territory became Bangladesh, a trauma that seems to have been impressively absorbed. The country is racked by intercommunal and intersect strife. The language and style of competitive politics goes beyond adversarial debate in a framework of respect, taking the form of hostile, confrontational and self-interested manoeuvring. There is a very small, very rich class (frequently described as feudal) from which most of the political elite come, and a large majority of very poor people, with a relatively small middle class in between. Law enforcement agencies have traditionally been used more to serve the narrow interests of those in office than to defend the rule of law. 89. Under these circumstances, any government would have a difficult task in installing in the official apparatus a culture of respect for the rule of law, human dignity and human rights. This cannot be done by a stroke of the pen and requires the application of sustained and vigorous political will. The Special Rapporteur was privileged to meet members and officials of the present Government, some of them former political prisoners, some even former torture victims, who appeared to him to be genuinely committed to achieving these goals. Others he met were not so convincing, despite a generalized rhetoric in favour of the same goals. Nor is he convinced of the commitment of government officials with whom he did not meet. 90. Yet the rhetoric itself is important and the Special Rapporteur left the country wanting to believe that within the Government, as a whole, there was a preference for respect for human dignity. What he could not conclude was that this preference was given the political priority necessary for its realization. In this connection, it is also to be noted that the full weight of responsibility for the shortfall in political will should not be borne by the present PPP administration alone, especially in view of its lack of an absolute majority in both houses of the legislature; opposition political parties also have their role to play, as does the manifestly free press. Governmental officials, in general, also acknowledged the important role being played by non-governmental human rights organizations. 91. It is in this context that these conclusions should be understood. Indeed, the recommendations below should be read as being addressed not only to the executive authorities, but also to the legislature as a whole, regardless of party, and to other institutions of Pakistani society.