Aisha K. Gill 93 the strongest emotional reaction to the loss of honor in honor cultures. A susceptibility to shame is considered to be a positive quality, as illustrated by phrases, such as “having a sense of shame,” popular among cultures of honor (Abu-Lughod 2011). In this respect, shame is not only an emo­ tional consequence of losing honor, but also an important regulator of behavior. In such societies, words corresponding to shame are used in a way that makes them synony­ mous with dishonor (Abu-Lughod 2011). Dishonor differs from shame, because it is antithetical to the values of the group, affecting the individual who commits the deed and threatening the foundation of the values upon which the entire system rests. Dealing with dishonored members differs from one honor group to another. Some honor cultures allow an individual to atone for “bad” deeds, while others allow for grace depending upon the severity of the dishonorable action (Casimir and Jung 2009). More extreme honor cultures actively rid the group of dishonored indi­ viduals by means of ostracism, exile, and capital punishment. “Honor” Killing Gendered violence encompasses HBV, “crimes of honor,” “crimes related to honor conflict,” “crimes of tradition,” and “culture-based violence.” The terms “honor killing” and “honor mur­ der” are typically used interchangeably to refer to situations where violence results in a woman’s death. Some scholars and activists reject the use of these designations altogether, categorizing such crimes as “domestic violence” (Terman 2010), while others place the various types of “honor vio­ lence” under the umbrella of “violence against women” (VAW). Although most victims of HBV are female, there is also evidence of victimization of young men. According to Chesler (2010), 7 percent of victims in a sample of 230 honor killings examined worldwide between 1989 and 2009 were male. A German study on the prevalence of honor killings between 1996 and 2005 found that, of the 20 cases unequivocally classified as honor killings, 43 percent of victims were male (Oberwittler and Kasselt 2011). Like women, young men must respect and heed the wishes of more senior, usually older, male relatives (Abu-Lughod 2011). Subordinate men are most likely to cause dishonor as a result of (1) their choice of dating or sexual partners, (2) refusing an arranged marriage, (3) coming out as gay, bisexual or transgender (Ozturk 2011), and/ or (4) refusing to commit an act of HBV (Roberts, Campbell, and Lloyd 2014). Nevertheless, the majority of victims are female and the majority of perpetrators male. Eisner and Ghuneim (2013) examined the attitudes of fifteen-year-olds in Amman, Jordan, demonstrating that the practice of brutal vigilante justice, predominantly against young women perceived to have com­ mitted slights against family “honor,” finds favor with a significant proportion of adolescents. The study revealed that almost half of boys and one in five girls believed that killing a daughter, sister, or wife who has “dishonored” or shamed her family is justified. A third of all teenagers involved in the research supported honor killings. These disturbing attitudes were connected more closely to patri­ archal and traditional worldviews, including “moral” justification of violence, and the importance of female “virtue,” rather than stemming from religious beliefs. Women’s victimization is thus an outgrowth of broad cultural norms that legitimize gendered violence (Ertürk 2012). An honor killing is a murder committed against a woman for actual or perceived immoral behavior deemed to be in breach of a household or community’s honor (Gill 2014), most commonly for intimate relations with a man, whether that (allegedly) involves adultery, sex outside marriage, or simply close companionship. Even women who have been victims of rape and sexual assault become targets for honor killing. Honor killings also take place because a woman or girl is in the