Financial constraints The occasional problematic political situation for media outlets in the Trans-Caucasus is exacerbated by severe structural economic difficulties. The dismal picture of the interrelated problems for the printed press can be summed up in the following examples: the cost of newsprint has become unbearable (as much as $1,200 per ton in a country where the average wage is $6); the circulation of newspapers has decreased (from 15,000 to 3,000); there is habitually no alternative to the state controlled printing house; the advertising market is underdeveloped; equipment is often obsolete; and distribution is monopolised by the state, is too expensive and has consequently virtually ceased to exist outside the capital. The independent broadcasting outlets struggle due to a reduction in energy resources. Moreover, there is a strong connection between the authorities and the energy supply. Furthermore, the number of hours of electricity per day allotted to citizens has diminished; there is scarcity of video, filming and editing equipment; the financial situation is precarious at best; advertising rates are largely symbolic and some potential advertisers are unwilling to advertise since they fear subsequent tax inspection. In summary, the financial situation of virtually all official and (especially) independent media in the Trans-Caucasus is catastrophic. Nature of editorial coverage In general, the political and economic situation in Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan have created a polarised press and a one sided broadcasting landscape. The print media are either government supported or strongly aligned with opposition parties. In these papers, no priority is given to separating reporting from commentaries, and objectivity is not the most highly prized journalistic virtue. Quality papers, which provide balanced and more or less neutral information, are an exception rather than a rule. Nevertheless, the popularity of such papers as Rezonansi in Georgia and Zerkalo in Azerbaijan indicate the demand for professional, independent and good quality newspapers. None of the state owned broadcasting media, in all three of the republics, could fulfil the role of a “public service”. Radio and television were largely subservient to the authorities. In Armenia and Azerbaijan, this was illustrated by the openly pro government stance, some blatantly biased programmes and the quantitative dominance of coverage of the activities of the parties and candidates related to the president. Although a parliament decree enacted during the summer of 1995 did stipulate detailed guidelines for the coverage of internal political developments, the situation in Georgia was somewhat different. In the course of the campaign, the free time for parties and candidates consumed most of the daily airtime on the first channel and editorial coverage was reduced to a minimum. Whether this approach is particularly desirable remains debatable. The independent broadcasting media could not (yet) act as a purposeful antidote in Armenia, Georgia or Azerbaijan. In a country where the circulation of newspapers is low and their distribution outside the capital virtually non existent, the national television has an increased responsibility in informing the audience. The situation described above therefore was a concern for the monitoring teams. The financial constraints have an influence on the nature of the editorial coverage as well. Firstly, low salaries and lack of liquid assets make media outlets liable to influences from sponsors and concealed advertising. The extent to which this influenced the coverage of the campaign is, however, virtually impossible to determine. Secondly, the low salaries deter many talented would be journalists from entering the profession. 10 OSCE ODIHR Bulletin Vol. 4 No. 3